it with which they had dragged him all night at a horse's tail； his body
wounded in a hundred places； with stabs of daggers that had been given
him； not to kill him； but to put him to pain and to affright him； who had
endured all this； and even to being speechless and insensible； resolved；
as he himself told me； rather to die a thousand deaths （as indeed； as to
matter of suffering； he had borne one） before he would promise anything；
and yet he was one of the richest husbandmen of all the country。 How
many have been seen patiently to suffer themselves to be burnt and
roasted for opinions taken upon trust from others； and by them not at all
understood？ I have known a hundred and a hundred women （for Gascony has
a certain prerogative for obstinacy） whom you might sooner have made eat
fire than forsake an opinion they had conceived in anger。 They are all
the more exasperated by blows and constraint。 And he that made the story
of the woman who； in defiance of all correction； threats； and
bastinadoes； ceased not to call her husband lousy knave； and who being
plunged over head and ears in water； yet lifted her hands above her head
and made a sign of cracking lice； feigned a tale of which； in truth； we
every day see a manifest image in the obstinacy of women。 And obstinacy
is the sister of constancy； at least in vigour and stability。
We are not to judge what is possible and what is not； according to what
is credible and incredible to our apprehension； as I have said elsewhere
and it is a great fault； and yet one that most men are guilty of； which；
nevertheless； I do not mention with any reflection upon Bodin； to make a
difficulty of believing that in another which they could not or would not
do themselves。 Every one thinks that the sovereign stamp of human nature
is imprinted in him； and that from it all others must take their rule；
and that all proceedings which are not like his are feigned and false。
Is anything of another's actions or faculties proposed to him？ the first
thing he calls to the consultation of his judgment is his own example；
and as matters go with him； so they must of necessity do with all the
world besides dangerous and intolerable folly！ For my part； I consider
some men as infinitely beyond me； especially amongst the ancients； and
yet； though I clearly discern my inability to come near them by a
thousand paces； I do not forbear to keep them in sight； and to judge of
what so elevates them； of which I perceive some seeds in myself； as I
also do of the extreme meanness of some other minds； which I neither am
astonished at nor yet misbelieve。 I very well perceive the turns those
great souls take to raise themselves to such a pitch； and admire their
grandeur； and those flights that I think the bravest I could be glad to
imitate； where； though I want wing； yet my judgment readily goes along
with them。 The other example he introduces of 〃things incredible and
wholly fabulous；〃 delivered by Plutarch； is； that 〃Agesilaus was fined by
the Ephori for having wholly engrossed the hearts and affections of his
citizens to himself alone。〃 And herein I do not see what sign of falsity
is to be found： clearly Plutarch speaks of things that must needs be
better known to him than to us； and it was no new thing in Greece to see
men punished and exiled for this very thing； for being too acceptable to
the people； witness the Ostracism and Petalism。 ＇Ostracism at Athens
was banishment for ten years； petalism at Syracuse was banishment for
five years。＇
There is yet in this place another accusation laid against Plutarch which
I cannot well digest； where Bodin says that he has sincerely paralleled
Romans with Romans； and Greeks amongst themselves； but not Romans with
Greeks； witness； says he； Demosthenes and Cicero； Cato and Aristides；
Sylla and Lysander； Marcellus and Pelopidas； Pompey and Agesilaus；
holding that he has favoured the Greeks in giving them so unequal
companions。 This is really to attack what in Plutarch is most excellent
and most to be commended； for in his parallels （which is the most
admirable part of all his works； and with which； in my opinion； he is
himself the most pleased） the fidelity and sincerity of his judgments
equal their depth and weight； he is a philosopher who teaches us virtue。
Let us see whether we cannot defend him from this reproach of falsity and
prevarication。 All that I can imagine could give occasion to this
censure is the great and shining lustre of the Roman names which we have
in our minds； it does not seem likely to us that Demosthenes could rival
the glory of a consul； proconsul； and proctor of that great Republic； but
if a man consider the truth of the thing； and the men in themselves；
which is Plutarch's chiefest aim； and will rather balance their manners；
their natures； and parts； than their fortunes； I think； contrary to
Bodin； that Cicero and the elder Cato come far short of the men with whom
they are compared。 I should sooner； for his purpose； have chosen the
example of the younger Cato compared with Phocion； for in this couple
there would have been a more likely disparity； to the Roman's advantage。
As to Marcellus； Sylla； and Pompey； I very well discern that their
exploits of war are greater and more full of pomp and glory than those of
the Greeks； whom Plutarch compares with them； but the bravest and most
virtuous actions any more in war than elsewhere； are not always the most
renowned。 I often see the names of captains obscured by the splendour of
other names of less desert； witness Labienus； Ventidius； Telesinus； and
several others。 And to take it by that； were I to complain on the behalf
of the Greeks； could I not say； that Camillus was much less comparable to
Themistocles； the Gracchi to Agis and Cleomenes； and Numa to Lycurgus？
But 'tis folly to judge； at one view； of things that have so many
aspects。 When Plutarch compares them； he does not； for all that； make
them equal； who could more learnedly and sincerely have marked their
distinctions？ Does he parallel the victories； feats of arms； the force
of the armies conducted by Pompey； and his triumphs； with those of
Agesilaus？ 〃I do not believe；〃 says he； 〃that Xenophon himself； if he
were now living； though he were allowed to write whatever pleased him to
the advantage of Agesilaus； would dare to bring them into comparison。〃
Does he speak of paralleling Lysander to Sylla。 〃There is；〃 says he；
〃no comparison； either in the number of victories or in the hazard of
battles； for Lysander only gained two naval battles。〃 This is not to
derogate from the Romans； for having only simply named them with the
Greeks； he can have done them no injury； what disparity soever there may
be betwixt them and Plutarch does not entirely oppose them to one
another； there is no preference in general； he only compares the pieces
and circumstances one after another； and gives of every one a particular
and separate judgment。 Wherefore； if any one could convict him of
partiality； he ought to pick out some one of those particular judgments；
or say； in general； that he was mistaken in comparing such a Greek to
such a Roman； when there were others more fit and better resembling to
parallel him to。
CHAPTER XXXIII
THE STORY OF SPURINA
Philosophy thinks she has not ill employed her talent when she has given
the sovereignty of the soul and the authority of restraining our
appetites to reason。 Amongst which； they who judge that there is none
more violent than those which spring from love； have this opinion also；
that they seize both body and soul； and possess the whole man； so that
even health itself depends upon them； and medicine is sometimes
constrained to pimp for them； but one might； on the contrary； also say；
that the mixture of the body brings an abatement and weakening； for such
desires are subject to satiety； and capable of material remedies。
Many； being determined to rid their soul from the continual alarms of
this appetite； have made use of incision and amputation of the rebelling
members； others have subdued their force and ardour by the frequent
application of cold things； as snow and vinegar。 The sackcloths of our
ancestors were for this purpose； which is cloth woven of horse hair； of
which some of them made shirts； and others girdles； to torture and
correct their reins。 A prince； not long ago； told me that in his youth
upon a solemn festival in the court of King Francis I。； where everybody
was finely dressed； he would needs put on his father's hair shirt； which
was still kept in the house； but how great soever his devotion was； he
had not patience to wear it till night； and was sick a long time after；
adding withal； that he did not think there could be any youthful heat so
fierce that the use of this recipe would not mortify； and yet perhaps he
never essayed the most violent； for experience shows us； that such
emotions are often seen under rude and slovenly clothes； and that a hair
shirt does not always render those chaste who wear it。
Xenocrates proceeded with greater rigour in this affair； for his
disciples； to make trial of his continency； having slipt Lais； that
beautiful and famous courtes