democracy in america-1- 第123部分

＇Footnote　f：　This　bill　was　brought　in　by　Mr。　Clay；　and　it　passed　in　four　days　through　both　Houses　of　Congress　by　an　immense　majority。＇　

But　South　Carolina　did　not　consent　to　leave　the　Union　in　the　enjoyment　of　these　scanty　trophies　of　success：　the　same　national　Convention　which　had　annulled　the　tariff　bill；　met　again；　and　accepted　the　proffered　concession；　but　at　the　same　time　it　declared　it　unabated　perseverance　in　the　doctrine　of　Nullification：　and　to　prove　what　it　said；　it　annulled　the　law　investing　the　President　with　extraordinary　powers；　although　it　was　very　certain　that　the　clauses　of　that　law　would　never　be　carried　into　effect。

Almost　all　the　controversies　of　which　I　have　been　speaking　have　taken　place　under　the　Presidency　of　General　Jackson；　and　it　cannot　be　denied　that　in　the　question　of　the　tariff　he　has　supported　the　claims　of　the　Union　with　vigor　and　with　skill。　　I　am；　however；　of　opinion　that　the　conduct　of　the　individual　who　now　represents　the　Federal　Government　may　be　reckoned　as　one　of　the　dangers　which　threaten　its　continuance。

Some　persons　in　Europe　have　formed　an　opinion　of　the　possible　influence　of　General　Jackson　upon　the　affairs　of　his　country；　which　appears　highly　extravagant　to　those　who　have　seen　more　of　the　subject。　　We　have　been　told　that　General　Jackson　has　won　sundry　battles；　that　he　is　an　energetic　man；　prone　by　nature　and　by　habit　to　the　use　of　force；　covetous　of　power；　and　a　despot　by　taste。　　All　this　may　perhaps　be　true；　but　the　inferences　which　have　been　drawn　from　these　truths　are　exceedingly　erroneous。　　It　has　been　imagined　that　General　Jackson　is　bent　on　establishing　a　dictatorship　in　America；　on　introducing　a　military　spirit；　and　on　giving　a　degree　of　influence　to　the　central　authority　which　cannot　but　be　dangerous　to　provincial　liberties。　　But　in　America　the　time　for　similar　undertakings；　and　the　age　for　men　of　this　kind；　is　not　yet　come：　if　General　Jackson　had　entertained　a　hope　of　exercising　his　authority　in　this　manner；　he　would　infallibly　have　forfeited　his　political　station；　and　compromised　his　life；　accordingly　he　has　not　been　so　imprudent　as　to　make　any　such　attempt。

Far　from　wishing　to　extend　the　federal　power；　the　President　belongs　to　the　party　which　is　desirous　of　limiting　that　power　to　the　bare　and　precise　letter　of　the　Constitution；　and　which　never　puts　a　construction　upon　that　act　favorable　to　the　Government　of　the　Union；　far　from　standing　forth　as　the　champion　of　centralization；　General　Jackson　is　the　agent　of　all　the　jealousies　of　the　States；　and　he　was　placed　in　the　lofty　station　he　occupies　by　the　passions　of　the　people　which　are　most　opposed　to　the　central　Government。　　It　is　by　perpetually　flattering　these　passions　that　he　maintains　his　station　and　his　popularity。　　General　Jackson　is　the　slave　of　the　majority：　he　yields　to　its　wishes；　its　propensities；　and　its　demands；　say　rather；　that　he　anticipates　and　forestalls　them。

Whenever　the　governments　of　the　States　come　into　collision　with　that　of　the　Union；　the　President　is　generally　the　first　to　question　his　own　rights：　he　almost　always　outstrips　the　legislature；　and　when　the　extent　of　the　federal　power　is　controverted；　he　takes　part；　as　it　were；　against　himself；　he　conceals　his　official　interests；　and　extinguishes　his　own　natural　inclinations。　　Not　indeed　that　he　is　naturally　weak　or　hostile　to　the　Union；　for　when　the　majority　decided　against　the　claims　of　the　partisans　of　nullification；　he　put　himself　at　its　head；　asserted　the　doctrines　which　the　nation　held　distinctly　and　energetically；　and　was　the　first　to　recommend　forcible　measures；　but　General　Jackson　appears　to　me；　if　I　may　use　the　American　expressions；　to　be　a　Federalist　by　taste；　and　a　Republican　by　calculation。

General　Jackson　stoops　to　gain　the　favor　of　the　majority；　but　when　he　feels　that　his　popularity　is　secure；　he　overthrows　all　obstacles　in　the　pursuit　of　the　objects　which　the　community　approves；　or　of　those　which　it　does　not　look　upon　with　a　jealous　eye。　　He　is　supported　by　a　power　with　which　his　predecessors　were　unacquainted；　and　he　tramples　on　his　personal　enemies　whenever　they　cross　his　path　with　a　facility　which　no　former　President　ever　enjoyed；　he　takes　upon　himself　the　responsibility　of　measures　which　no　one　before　him　would　have　ventured　to　attempt：　he　even　treats　the　national　representatives　with　disdain　approaching　to　insult；　he　puts　his　veto　upon　the　laws　of　Congress；　and　frequently　neglects　to　reply　to　that　powerful　body。　He　is　a　favorite　who　sometimes　treats　his　master　roughly。　　The　power　of　General　Jackson　perpetually　increases；　but　that　of　the　President　declines；　in　his　hands　the　Federal　Government　is　strong；　but　it　will　pass　enfeebled　into　the　hands　of　his　successor。

I　am　strangely　mistaken　if　the　Federal　Government　of　the　United　States　be　not　constantly　losing　strength；　retiring　gradually　from　public　affairs；　and　narrowing　its　circle　of　action　more　and　more。　　It　is　naturally　feeble；　but　it　now　abandons　even　its　pretensions　to　strength。　　On　the　other　hand；　I　thought　that　I　remarked　a　more　lively　sense　of　independence；　and　a　more　decided　attachment　to　provincial　government　in　the　States。　　The　Union　is　to　subsist；　but　to　subsist　as　a　shadow；　it　is　to　be　strong　in　certain　cases；　and　weak　in　all　others；　in　time　of　warfare；　it　is　to　be　able　to　concentrate　all　the　forces　of　the　nation　and　all　the　resources　of　the　country　in　its　hands；　and　in　time　of　peace　its　existence　is　to　be　scarcely　perceptible：　as　if　this　alternate　debility　and　vigor　were　natural　or　possible。

I　do　not　foresee　anything　for　the　present　which　may　be　able　to　check　this　general　impulse　of　public　opinion；　the　causes　in　which　it　originated　do　not　cease　to　operate　with　the　same　effect。　　The　change　will　therefore　go　on；　and　it　may　be　predicted　that；　unless　some　extraordinary　event　occurs；　the　Government　of　the　Union　will　grow　weaker　and　weaker　every　day。

I　think；　however；　that　the　period　is　still　remote　at　which　the　federal　power　will　be　entirely　extinguished　by　its　inability　to　protect　itself　and　to　maintain　peace　in　the　country。　　The　Union　is　sanctioned　by　the　manners　and　desires　of　the　people；　its　results　are　palpable；　its　benefits　visible。　　When　it　is　perceived　that　the　weakness　of　the　Federal　Government　compromises　the　existence　of　the　Union；　I　do　not　doubt　that　a　reaction　will　take　place　with　a　view　to　increase　its　strength。

The　Government　of　the　United　States　is；　of　all　the　federal　governments　which　have　hitherto　been　established；　the　one　which　is　most　naturally　destined　to　act。　　As　long　as　it　is　only　indirectly　assailed　by　the　interpretation　of　its　laws；　and　as　long　as　its　substance　is　not　seriously　altered；　a　change　of　opinion；　an　internal　crisis；　or　a　war；　may　restore　all　the　vigor　which　it　requires。　　The　point　which　I　have　been　most　anxious　to　put　in　a　clear　light　is　simply　this：　Many　people；　especially　in　France；　imagine　that　a　change　in　opinion　is　going　on　in　the　United　States；　which　is　favorable　to　a　centralization　of　power　in　the　hands　of　the　President　and　the　Congress。　I　hold　that　a　contrary　tendency　may　distinctly　be　observed。　　So　far　is　the　Federal　Government　from　acquiring　strength；　and　from　threatening　the　sovereignty　of　the　States；　as　it　grows　older；　that　I　maintain　it　to　be　growing　weaker　and　weaker；　and　that　the　sovereignty　of　the　Union　alone　is　in　danger。　　Such　are　the　facts　which　the　present　time　discloses。　　The　future　conceals　the　final　result　of　this　tendency；　and　the　events　which　may　check；　retard；　or　accelerate　the　changes　I　have　described；　but　I　do　not　affect　to　be　able　to　remove　the　veil　which　hides　them　from　our　sight。

Of　The　Republican　Institutions　Of　The　United　States；　And　What　Their　Chances　Of　Duration　Are

The　Union　is　accidental　…　The　Republican　institutions　have　more　prospect　of　permanence　…　A　republic　for　the　present　the　natural　state　of　the　Anglo…Americans　…　Reason　of　this　…　In　order　to　destroy　it；　all　the　laws　must　be　changed　at　the　same　time；　and　a　great　alteration　take　place　in　manners　…Difficulties　experienced　by　the　Americans　in　creating　an　aristocracy。

The　dismemberment　of　the　Union；　by　the　introduction　of　war　into　the　heart　of　those　States　which　are　now　confederate；　with　standing　armies；　a　dictatorship；　and　a　heavy　taxation；　might；　eventually；　compromise　the　fate　of　the　republican　institutions。　　But　we　ought　not　to　confound　the　future　prospects　of　the　republic　with　those　of　the　Union。　　The　Union　is　an　accident；　which　will　only　last　as　long　as　circumstances　are　favorable　to　its　existence；　but　a　republican　form　of　government　seems　to　me　to　be　the　natural　state　of　the　Americans；　which　nothing　but　the　continued　action　of　hostile　causes；　always　acting　in　the　same　direction；　could　change　into　a　monarchy。　　The　Union　exists　principally　in　the　law　which　formed　it；　one　revolution；　one　change　in　public　opinion；　might　destroy　it　forever；　but　the　republic　has　a　much　deeper　foundation　to　rest　upon。


What　is　understood　by　a　republican　government　in　the　United　States　is　the　slow　and　quiet　action　of　society　upon　itself。　　It　is　a　regular　state　of　things　really　founded　upon　the　enlightened　will　of　the　people。　　It　is　a　conciliatory　government　under　which　resolutions　are　allowed　time　to　ripen；　and　in　which　they　are　deliberately