gation； but I am certain it is highly beneficial to those who decide the litigation； and I look upon it as one of the most efficacious means for the education of the people which society can employ。
What I have hitherto said applies to all nations； but the remark I am now about to make is peculiar to the Americans and to democratic peoples。 I have already observed that in democracies the members of the legal profession and the magistrates constitute the only aristocratic body which can check the irregularities of the people。 This aristocracy is invested with no physical power； but it exercises its conservative influence upon the minds of men； and the most abundant source of its authority is the institution of the civil jury。 In criminal causes； when society is armed against a single individual； the jury is apt to look upon the judge as the passive instrument of social power； and to mistrust his advice。 Moreover； criminal causes are entirely founded upon the evidence of facts which common sense can readily appreciate； upon this ground the judge and the jury are equal。 Such； however； is not the case in civil causes； then the judge appears as a disinterested arbiter between the conflicting passions of the parties。 The jurors look up to him with confidence and listen to him with respect； for in this instance their intelligence is completely under the control of his learning。 It is the judge who sums up the various arguments with which their memory has been wearied out； and who guides them through the devious course of the proceedings； he points their attention to the exact question of fact which they are called upon to solve； and he puts the answer to the question of law into their mouths。 His influence upon their verdict is almost unlimited。
If I am called upon to explain why I am but little moved by the arguments derived from the ignorance of jurors in civil causes； I reply； that in these proceedings； whenever the question to be solved is not a mere question of fact； the jury has only the semblance of a judicial body。 The jury sanctions the decision of the judge； they by the authority of society which they represent； and he by that of reason and of law。 *h
＇Footnote h： See Appendix； R。＇
In England and in America the judges exercise an influence upon criminal trials which the French judges have never possessed。 The reason of this difference may easily be discovered； the English and American magistrates establish their authority in civil causes； and only transfer it afterwards to tribunals of another kind； where that authority was not acquired。 In some cases （and they are frequently the most important ones） the American judges have the right of deciding causes alone。 *i Upon these occasions they are accidentally placed in the position which the French judges habitually occupy； but they are invested with far more power than the latter； they are still surrounded by the reminiscence of the jury； and their judgment has almost as much authority as the voice of the community at large； represented by that institution。 Their influence extends beyond the limits of the courts； in the recreations of private life as well as in the turmoil of public business； abroad and in the legislative assemblies； the American judge is constantly surrounded by men who are accustomed to regard his intelligence as superior to their own； and after having exercised his power in the decision of causes； he continues to influence the habits of thought and the characters of the individuals who took a part in his judgment。
＇Footnote i： The Federal judges decide upon their own authority almost all the questions most important to the country。＇
The jury； then； which seems to restrict the rights of magistracy； does in reality consolidate its power； and in no country are the judges so powerful as there； where the people partakes their privileges。 It is more especially by means of the jury in civil causes that the American magistrates imbue all classes of society with the spirit of their profession。 Thus the jury； which is the most energetic means of making the people rule； is also the most efficacious means of teaching it to rule well。
Chapter XVII： Principal Causes Maintaining The Democratic Republic … Part I
Principal Causes Which Tend To Maintain The Democratic Republic In The United States
A democratic republic subsists in the United States； and the principal object of this book has been to account for the fact of its existence。 Several of the causes which contribute to maintain the institutions of America have been involuntarily passed by or only hinted at as I was borne along by my subject。 Others I have been unable to discuss； and those on which I have dwelt most are； as it were； buried in the details of the former parts of this work。 I think； therefore； that before I proceed to speak of the future； I cannot do better than collect within a small compass the reasons which best explain the present。 In this retrospective chapter I shall be succinct； for I shall take care to remind the reader very summarily of what he already knows； and I shall only select the most prominent of those facts which I have not yet pointed out。
All the causes which contribute to the maintenance of the democratic republic in the United States are reducible to three heads： …
I。 The peculiar and accidental situation in which Providence has placed the Americans。
II。 The laws。
III。 The manners and customs of the people。
Accidental Or Providential Causes Which Contribute To The Maintenance Of The Democratic Republic In The United States The Union has no neighbors … No metropolis … The Americans have had the chances of birth in their favor … America an empty country … How this circumstance contributes powerfully to the maintenance of the democratic republic in America … How the American wilds are peopled … Avidity of the Anglo…Americans in taking possession of the solitudes of the New World …Influence of physical prosperity upon the political opinions of the Americans。
A thousand circumstances； independent of the will of man； concur to facilitate the maintenance of a democratic republic in the United States。 Some of these peculiarities are known； the others may easily be pointed out； but I shall confine myself to the most prominent amongst them。
The Americans have no neighbors； and consequently they have no great wars； or financial crises； or inroads； or conquest to dread； they require neither great taxes； nor great armies； nor great generals； and they have nothing to fear from a scourge which is more formidable to republics than all these evils combined； namely； military glory。 It is impossible to deny the inconceivable influence which military glory exercises upon the spirit of a nation。 General Jackson； whom the Americans have twice elected to the head of their Government； is a man of a violent temper and mediocre talents； no one circumstance in the whole course of his career ever proved that he is qualified to govern a free people； and indeed the majority of the enlightened classes of the Union has always been opposed to him。 But he was raised to the Presidency； and has been maintained in that lofty station； solely by the recollection of a victory which he gained twenty years ago under the walls of New Orleans； a victory which was； however； a very ordinary achievement； and which could only be remembered in a country where battles are rare。 Now the people which is thus carried away by the illusions of glory is unquestionably the most cold and calculating； the most unmilitary （if I may use the expression）； and the most prosaic of all the peoples of the earth。
America has no great capital *a city； whose influence is directly or indirectly felt over the whole extent of the country； which I hold to be one of the first causes of the maintenance of republican institutions in the United States。 In cities men cannot be prevented from concerting together； and from awakening a mutual excitement which prompts sudden and passionate resolutions。 Cities may be looked upon as large assemblies； of which all the inhabitants are members； their populace exercises a prodigious influence upon the magistrates； and frequently executes its own wishes without their intervention。
＇Footnote a： The United States have no metropolis； but they already contain several very large cities。 Philadelphia reckoned 161；000 inhabitants and New York 202；000 in the year 1830。 The lower orders which inhabit these cities constitute a rabble even more formidable than the populace of European towns。 They consist of freed blacks in the first place； who are condemned by the laws and by public opinion to a hereditary state of misery and degradation。 They also contain a multitude of Europeans who have been driven to the shores of the New World by their misfortunes or their misconduct； and these men inoculate the United States with all our vices； without bringing with them any of those interests which counteract their baneful influence。 As inhabitants of a country where they have no civil rights； they are ready to turn all the passions which agitate the community to their own advantage； thus； within the last few months serious riots have broken out in Philadelphia and in